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From Calgary Sun ... http://calsun.canoe.ca/News/National/2007/07/05/4314396-sun.html

New approach to Native development urged
DAVE DORMER, SUN MEDIA - July 5, 2007

Osoyoos Indian Band Chief Clarence Louie wants to help his people help themselves.

Louie, the newly appointed National Aboriginal Economic Development Board (NAEDB) chairman, met for the first time with Indian Affairs and Northern Development Minister Jim Prentice in Calgary yesterday, where he encouraged the federal government to focus more on creating economic development for Native people rather than having them rely on existing social programs.

Doing that, he explained, could reverse the troubling trend of poverty and despair he sees plaguing many First Nations, Inuit and Metis communities across Canada and provide them with a positive outlook on the future.

"When it comes to reducing Aboriginal poverty, it's not going to happen in a year or two, but you will see the direction," Louie said during a news conference to announce the new strategy.

"You'll be able to see the programs and the effect they are having."

Mandated by the federal cabinet, the 13 NAEDB members were chosen from First Nation, Inuit and Metis populations from across the country, not so much based on their race, but rather their individual expertise, explained Prentice.

"From everything I hear across the country there's a strong consensus amongst Aboriginal people that the time has come for a whole level of economic development and a whole new approach to economic development on a larger scale than we've seen in the past and in a way that is focused and leveraged," he said.

The NAEDB will serve as an non-political body, advising the federal government on how best to deal with various Aboriginal issues.

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INAC press release ...

National Aboriginal Economic Development Board to Play Strengthened Role in Advising Canada's new Government

CALGARY, AB, July 4 - Today, the Honourable Jim Prentice, Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development and Federal Interlocutor for Métis and Non-Status Indians met for the first time with the National Aboriginal Economic Development Board (NAEDB) executive members to discuss how the board can play a stronger role in the Government of Canada's new approach to Aboriginal economic development.

Minister Prentice named the new members and chairperson of the National Aboriginal Economic Development Board on April 26, 2007.

"Canada's New Government is working to create a more coherent and practical approach to increasing Aboriginal participation in the economy, capitalizing on a range of economic opportunities," said Minister Prentice. "As an arms-length, private-sector body representing the economic development interests of all Aboriginal people, the NAEDB is well positioned to play a key role as this work unfolds."

Chief Clarence Louie, the board's newly appointed Chairperson, welcomed the commitment made by Minister Prentice. Chief Louie is President and CEO of the Osoyoos Indian Band Development Corporation in British Columbia.

"No other body in Canada has the mandate we have to concentrate exclusively on Aboriginal economic development," said Chief Louie. "This is a critical priority if we want to solve a host of other issues for our people. Economic development is the cornerstone.

While the scope of the new approach is still in development, the board will provide advice on areas such as investment strategies, business creation, access to business capital, Aboriginal involvement in major projects, Aboriginal/non-Aboriginal partnerships, as well as policy development.

Other participants in the meeting were Nellie Cournoyea, former Premier of the Northwest Territories and Dawn Madahbee, Northern Ontario Aboriginal business leader involved in Aboriginal business financing and the tourism sector. Along with Chief Louie and Chief Jim Boucher, Chairman of the Board of the Fort McKay Group of Companies in Alberta, these nationally and internationally recognized individuals now serve as the Executive Committee of the NAEDB.

The National Aboriginal Economic Development Board is mandated by the federal Cabinet and members are appointed by Order-in-Council. The Board acts as a vital link between policy makers, legislators, government departments, and Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal business and community leaders, providing counsel on all matters pertaining to Aboriginal economic development.

For further information: media may contact: Minister's Office: Deirdra McCracken, Press Secretary, Office of the Honourable Jim Prentice, (819) 997-0002; Media Relations: Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, (819) 953-1160; This release is also available on the Internet at www.inac.gc.ca; For more information about the NAEDB, visit www.naedb-cndea.ca

PARO Centre for Women's Enterprise, Canadian Women’s Community Economic Development Council, the North of Superior Training Board, as well as the Community Economic and Social Development Program of Algoma University are working together to plan a Women's Economic Development Conference to be held in Thunder Bay on April 29 and 30, 2008. 

This project will positively contribute to building sustainable community economic development in Northern Ontario through providing information and resources while building on women’s experience.  

Your completion of this survey will help us meet these goals and will assist us in delivering a conference that will meet your needs.  

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Project Coordinator - Northern Opportunities for Women
PARO Centre for Women's Enterprise / PARO Centre pour l'enterprise des femmes
110-105 North May Street
Thunder Bay, ON  P7C 3N9
807.625.0328 (voice)
807.625.0317 (fax)
now@paro.ca
www.paro.ca

From the Osprey News Network - Timmins Daily Press ...

First Nation praises proposed land transfer
Shirley Mills - July 03, 2007

Missanabie Cree First Nation members might soon have a place to call their own.

Ontario has agreed that the First Nation is entitled to 15 sq. miles of Crown land the band argues it was entitled to, according to treaties signed more than a century ago

The land is, in part, in West and Stover townships and borders on the Chapleau Game Preserve.

Band officials says members have scattered far and wide, but expect residents to eventually return to their roots thanks to the agreement.

Four open houses were recently held to explain the proposed land transfer, which has a provision the land does not involve private property.

The claim involves Treaty 9, first entered into agreement in 1906 between the federal and provincial governments and the various Cree and Ojibway First Nations in the James Bay Coast watershed.

"Our community has been waiting more than 100 years for this and we're excited," Chief Glenn Nolan said.

"We look forward to working with the municipalities and other First Nations to strengthen economically."

In 1996, Canada accepted the claim. In 2000 Ontario also accepted and negotiations began.

Following an environmental assessment and the proposal being evaluated as a Category B project for Ministry of Natural Resources stewardship and facility development projects, it's expected a decision on the exact location and boundaries will be ironed out by the fall.

It's anticipated the land transfer will take place in the spring of 2009.

"Now I can come home," said Deputy Chief Audrey Bateson, who lives in Saskatchewan.

Dan Goodwin, negotiator for the Ontario Secretariat for Aboriginal Affairs, said the 15-square-mile land transfer reflected on 101 band residents in 1906.

But now, an additional 55 square miles of Crown land, which the First Nation contends it's entitled to, has been temporarily set aside. It will take a court process to sort it out, Goodwin said.

"Now that they know they have a place of their own, there will be community and economic development to become self-sufficient," Goodwin said. "Members of the MCFN have scattered, but this is providing the opportunity for our members to come back," Nolan said.

Community leaders will continue to be busy this summer attending all the different upcoming meetings that are planned.

• The Sioux Lookout District Chiefs are meeting this week in Sioux Lookout for the annual Sioux Lookout Area Aboriginal Management Board (http://slaamb.on.ca) meeting.
• Next week, there is the Assembly of First Nations annual General Assembly (http://afn.ca/article.asp?id=179) in Halifax, Nova Scotia.
• The Nishnawbe Aski Nation 26th annual Keewaywin Conference is taking place in Aroland on August 14th through 16th.
• Then there is bbthe Tikinagan Annual Chiefs Assembly that is taking place in Wapekeka on August 21-23.

CBC's Editor in Chief of CBC News, Tony Burman introduced CBC's new web site about Aboriginal people that was presented to the public on Aboriginal Day (visit http://www.cbc.ca/aboriginal). In his online blog he asks for feedback and he is getting a lot of interesting comments from people across the country.

From CBC Inside Media - A forum about Media Issues ...

How the media cover Aboriginal stories

As Aboriginal issues in Canada grow in importance in today’s news agenda, there was a remarkable gathering of journalists at CBC Regina on Thursday that was exhilarating in its scope.

The session was historic at the CBC. For the first time, it brought together 20 CBC Aboriginal journalists from across Canada, about half of the CBC’s total number, and they were joined by a similar number of reporters, producers and other CBC journalists who deal with Aboriginal issues as part of their job.

....

Native Women’s Association of Canada press release ...

In Recognition of the National Day of Action in Canada, Women at International Conference Demand Freedom for the Sake of All Children

Darwin, Northern Territory, AUSTRALIA (June 29, 2007) –“We were shocked to see the Australian government sending in the military to invade Indigenous communities under the guise of protecting children,” says Beverley Jacobs, President of the Native Women’s Association of Canada and Kim Pate, Executive Director of the Canadian Association of Elizabeth Fry Societies. President Jacobs and Ms Pate are in Darwin as keynote speakers at an international conference.

“I arrived in Australia as the country was advised of the acquittal of a police officer who admitted that he was responsible for the death of an Aboriginal man,” stated Kim Pate. “Then, a few days later, I learned that the federal government was sending the police and the army in to Aboriginal communities with a plan of addressing the sexual abuse of children. The whole thing is outrageous and unbelievable, but it is really happening here!”

“I could not believe what I was hearing and reading when I arrived two days ago,” adds President Jacobs. “The federal government is saying that they are responding to a report about child sexual abuse entitled, Little Children are Sacred. Questionable government measures in the Northern Territory, has left women and children scared. The women we have been meeting with here have asked for our support in demanding that the Australian government do no more harm. The safety and well-being of Indigenous children is paramount. Indigenous leadership in the Northern Territory is seeking to work collaboratively with governments and the communities affected to ensure that children are protected. We support the Indigenous women leaders in Australia who are calling for greater investment in the services that support Indigenous families and communities, the active involvement of these communities in finding solutions to these problems and federal government engagement to fund delivery of basic health, housing, social and education services to remote communities.”

“We endorse the call of Indigenous women here to the Australian and Territorial Governments to respond to their calls for resources to fill these gaps in services” affirmed Pate. “Just like we are seeing in Canada, complex issues are inter-twined with the issue of violence against women and children and community action and ownership is required to respond in an effective way to address issues. Non-Aboriginal peoples need to acknowledge the ongoing effects of colonization and policies which have caused trauma, loss and the breakdown of communities.”

“Women here in Australia are clear that Prime Minister Howard’s blatant political opportunism is not fooling anyone, especially not the women gathered here in Darwin for this international conference. It has been an openly stated agenda that Prime Minister Howard wants to move Aboriginal people off their lands. The women here are outraged and are refusing to be emotionally coerced. We know that the Stephen Harper government has followed the examples of the Howard government in a number of areas, but we are clearly saying that both governments need to follow the leadership of Aboriginal women. In Australia, the women are demanding that to truly impact the issues, the governments need to resource local people. Only then will they act in a meaningful way to effect change and create healthy futures for individuals and Indigenous communities. This is paramount. We support the demands of Australian women that the authority of Indigenous women leaders be recognized, so that they have control of the requisite resources to solve the problems in their communities,” concluded President Jacobs and Ms Pate.

-- 30 –

Contact: Beverley Jacobs – President, Native Women’s Association of Canada
Kim Pate – Executive Director, Canadian Association of Elizabeth Fry Societies
Telephone: 011-44-7921-680-590

From the Vancouver Sun ...

The children who didn't stand a chance - The aboriginal boys and girls who endured devastating abuse are, as adults, victims, survivors and heroes
Douglas Todd - June 30, 2007

They didn't stand a chance. The aboriginal boys and girls who were forced to attend Canada's residential schools and ended up being the targets of physical and, devastatingly, sexual abuse, were truly victims.

Whom could the young aboriginals trust? The list of their residential school tormentors is shocking: It starts with teachers, staff and especially dormitory supervisors, many likely part of a network of British pedophiles.

But even "celibate" nuns abused the innocent children; in some cases holding down seven-year-old boys while priests sexually assaulted their tender bodies.

As well, before many aboriginal children were trucked off to the schools, they were already struggling in their villages as most had to dodge heavy-drinking parents, aunts and uncles.

They didn't really have a chance.

The horrendous ramifications of abuse related to Canada's residential school system, attended by more than 125,000 aboriginals, are spelled out in an important and unique psychological article published in the July issue of the B.C. Medical Journal.

Even though the research paper adopts a neutral, scholarly tone, it persistently reveals just how horrifying are the lives of most of the now-adult men and women, the walking wounded, molested in residential schools.

The article's findings are revealing to explore the day after Canadian aboriginals' "National Day of Protest." Large demonstrations occurred across the country Friday as aboriginals, led by Phil Fontaine, grand chief of the Assembly of First Nations, who was himself abused in a residential school, called for the renewal of recently cancelled programs aimed at resolving a litany of aboriginal problems.

The B.C. Medical Journal article, however, is not a politically correct guilt trip aimed at the federal government that financed the residential schools, or the churches that ran them (in fact, it indicates priests and nuns were the least likely staff to engage in abuse.)

But it does show that Canada has a long way to go to heal the enduring pain perpetrated inside the scores of now-defunct schools.

In the article, lead writer Ingrid Sochting, chief psychologist at Richmond General Hospital, and four other authors say many of Canada's aboriginal people have developed a complex form of post-traumatic stress disorder -- which could be called "residential school syndrome."

The often-startling study is based on interviews Sochting, of UBC, as well as SFU psychologist Robert Ley and UBC psychiatrist Charles Brasfield conducted with 127 B.C. aboriginals who maintain they were abused in the schools.

For a journalist who has written extensively about residential schools since 1988, this study revived the almost overwhelming sadness I felt covering the abuse debacle -- which has led to more than 12,000 aboriginals filing lawsuits.

I feel most empathy, of course, for the poor aboriginal students; but also for the many decent school staff who believed they were doing good by trying to educate and Christianize natives.

The article cuts through the miasma of politics, legalisms and obfuscation emerging from all sides, which now clouds the pivotal debate over what to do about the schools' legacy.

One of the most crucial findings, especially for the criminologists who co-authored the report, SFU's Ray Corrado and Irwin Cohen of University College of the Fraser Valley, is that almost two-thirds of the aboriginal sample group ended up involved in crime.

They were convicted of physical assaults, robbery, major driving charges and, of course, numerous sex crimes -- as the victim often re-victimizes.

A shocking three out of the 127 residential-school students became murderers.

It does not take rocket science to link residential school abuse with the chronically high incarceration rate among Canada's aboriginals.

Another revealing discovery is that the largest group of perpetrators by far were non-clergy dormitory, teaching and support staff.

Sochting is convinced a network was operating like a pedophile ring in Britain in the 1900s, with white molesters spreading the word Canada's Indians were easy pickings.

"I have no doubt the word got around in England: 'Come out and be with these young savages,' " Sochting says.

Given how many Canadians blame the churches for all that went wrong inside residential schools, some may feel relieved that this study suggests, for the first time, priests were the abusers in only 3.7 per cent of cases studied; nuns in 2.9 per cent.

But the stories about priests and nuns are particularly, dare I say, disgusting.

As Sochting says, they break taboos we have about celibate men and women who supposedly give their lives to God.

Former students told researchers about four or five cases involving nuns -- including some in which native boys were held down by the sisters while priests forced the children to perform masturbation or fellatio or endure anal penetration. Other nuns sexually fondled native boys or had the boys fondle them.

Such exploitive behavior can occur, Sochting suggests, when troubled people, particularly narcissists, suppress their natural sexual energy.

Despite the abuse inflicted by nuns and priests, Sochting says her group, which conducted interviews with members of 24 aboriginal bands, often heard good things about clergy. "Many of the students I talked to spoke very fondly about many of the priests."

However, the study points at another female-related discovery I've never before heard discussed by anyone -- that aboriginal women appear to be significant abusers.

A minority of the aboriginals who agreed to be interviewed for the study, 70 per cent of whom were male, admitted they had also been abused in their villages.

Their most common sexual abuser was an aunt.

When it came to physical abuse, mothers were also the victimizers in 37 per cent of the cases, followed by fathers at 31 per cent.

"It's important to not have an image of an idyllic life on reserves," Sochting says.

Along with Brasfield, she is exploring how a cycle of physically punishing and sexualized child-raising by female aboriginals probably began in residential schools.

The paper also discusses how to clinically diagnose these residential school abuse victims -- offering tentative suggestions about how to treat such patients, who are usually seen as too "difficult" for most therapists to handle.

As patients, they are filled with deep shame, which comes in part, as Sochting says, from the simple physiological fact their genitals responded when stimulated by father and mother figures they desperately needed in their lonely lives.

Like battered soldiers terrorized by post-traumatic stress disorder, those abused at residential schools have gone on to experience debilitating physical ailments, depression, anxiety, near-universal addiction, suicidal inclinations, rage and a range of mental illnesses.

Normally, I'm one of those people reluctant to use the word "victim" -- because it's a label that implies people have no responsibility for what goes wrong in their lives.

But in the case of so many adult aboriginals, abused at delicate ages, "victim" seems to, grimly, fit. They didn't get a chance.

All the more reason to be hugely impressed by those abused aboriginals who battle long enough against their inner torment to look upon themselves as "survivors."

Then there are those abused aboriginals, such as Fontaine, who combat their personal demons while leading immensely creative lives.

They may deserve yet another classification: Psychological "heroes."

dtodd@png.canwest.com

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From Turtleisland.org ...

From: kanatiio@shaw.ca
Subject: IRSSA Compensation amounts
Date: June 28, 2007 2:55:13 PM PDT (CA)
To: infocom@pro.net

I crunched some numbers around the Indian Residential School Settlement Agreement (IRSSA).

My math is based on the following four assumptions:

1) The average age of Survivors is 54 years old.

2) The average Survivor was first traumatized around age 5 (49 years of trauma).

3) The average CEP payment will be $24,000.

4) Lawyers working on this case have been involved, on average, since 1998.

At this rate, each Survivor's compensation works out to about $1.34 per day, from the time they were first traumatized.

At this rate, the Merchant Law Group's legal fees will be anywhere from about $7,610.00 per day (if he gets the minimum of $25M set in IRSSA) up to about $12,176.00 per day (if he gets the maximum of $40M set in IRSSA).

At $40M (as set out in IRSSA), the National Consortium's legal fees work out to about $12,176 per day.

This does not include all the legal fees set aside for the National Administration Committee.

In all, IRSSA sets aside more than $270M in legal fees alone.

Kanatiio (Allen Gabriel)
Survivor Advocate. Former Director of Communications (AHF) and Head of Communications (RCAP)

From CBC's Online Legal Affairs ...

An Inconvenient Reality
MICHELLE MANN - June 29, 2007

A few Canadians in different parts of the country, and particularly in the Deseronto area of Ontario, have experienced some minor inconvenience on the aboriginal national day of action. Perhaps, with a stretch of the imagination, they will stop to contemplate the inconvenience of poverty, inadequate housing and access to clean water, and systemic discrimination, to name a few of the social ills many aboriginal people experience every day.

Many Canadians have never been on reserve, or visited northern Inuit communities or poor Métis living in urban areas. And yet, we think we know the answers, without knowing the history or understanding the context.

I practiced aboriginal law for many years, travelling to numerous reserves, yet the ignorance I encountered was overwhelmingly from non-aboriginal Canadians, particularly on the subject of treaties.

"What if you had entered into the most solemn contract, of the highest nature possible, giving up significant interests in exchange for others that were meant to protect your future generations. Wouldn't you seek to enforce that?" I would ask, only to be met with silence.

Not all treaty and land claims will be found legally legitimate, but the grievances underlying them en masse are legitimate, as are the claims for compensation and an official apology to residential schools survivors, for self-government and substantive equality with other Canadians.

Of course, law does not have the capacity to address the dire situation in which many Aboriginal Peoples survive rather than thrive. Aboriginal poverty cannot be disassociated from other factors, including health and unemployment, high dropout rates, family violence, overcrowded housing and poor living conditions, unsafe drinking water and the cost of quality food in remote communities.

And the list goes on.

Yet existing problems related to aboriginal poverty are only likely to increase in the future, if not adequately addressed in the present. Forty-six per cent of the First Nations population is below the age of 20, compared to 25 per cent for non-aboriginals, a phenomenon referred to as the aboriginal baby boom.

Nor are any of these issues new; rather, they are markedly old, having experienced neglect at the hands of governments of different political stripes over the years in the face of disinterest from most of the Canadian public.

More than ten years after the seminal Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP) report, little change has been negotiated and implemented. The Conservative government recently killed the landmark Kelowna Accord reached among first ministers, largely considered to be the first meaningful response to RCAP.

Lately, federal Indian Affairs Minister Jim Prentice has been trying to fill the gap, promising that his government plans to "clear away historical injustices," one promised measure being the negotiation — with the Assembly of First Nations — of a long-awaited independent claims body. Earlier this month, the federal government promised to help clear a backlog of more than 800 land claims.

I worked with Jim Prentice back when he was a commissioner at the Indian Claims Commission and I, counsel. He knows his stuff and so long as he doesn't get shuffled, has the ability to make a difference, subject to the direction of his political masters.

This brings us full circle, back to the national day of action.

Peaceful protest is a reflection of a healthy democracy, an exercise in freedom of expression and citizen engagement, which I think this country could use more of. Often, it is the most disenfranchised who have the greatest cause for citizen engagement. Why protest when you've got it good?

Much has been made in the media of Shawn Brant and his followers, who set up blockades across a rail line and secondary highway about 200 kilometres east of Toronto, allegedly to get the public's attention.

That they did, particularly after initial reports that they had access to weapons.

Their actions go beyond peaceful protest to civil disobedience and, for what it's worth, breaking the law. Respect for the rule of law can of course be a hard sell to communities and peoples for whom law has predominantly been a tool of oppression.

Nonetheless, with media reports centred on Brant and the blockades, less substance eked out about the actual plight of Aboriginal Peoples or the vast number of aboriginal and non-aboriginal Canadians peacefully protesting across the country.

And it most likely irritated and annoyed rather than educated and enlightened.

Like it or not, at the level of national politics, Aboriginal Peoples need non-aboriginal people to understand and support their agenda. One Toronto woman interviewed for a news story said that Brant and his ilk were "hurting people who have absolutely nothing to do with their problem."

Yet non-aborignal Canadians have everything to do with "their problem." We vote or don't, speak out or not, and racism and discrimination originate somewhere.

We can choose to see it as "their problem" or our problem. I vote for the latter and still will when I catch my train home to Kingston a day late.

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From CBC Online POLITICS ...

Harper and the Kelowna Accord - Why the PM should change course
LARRY ZOLF - June 28, 2007

There was Stephen Harper in a photo op on June 12, announcing a bill he says will clear the morass of outstanding native land claims across the country. With him on the podium in Ottawa was Phil Fontaine, national chief of the Assembly of First Nations.

Fontaine looked unhappy and out of place, perhaps dubious about the prime minister's interest in reducing the current backlog of more than 800 land claims. Fontaine knows Canada's natives are not exactly a core constituency for Harper, unlike the rural farmers' gun lobby.

Still, he praised Harper's proposal, which the prime minister called "a complete package of reforms that will revolutionize the claims-resolution process." The bill is to be voted on in the fall, after a summer's worth of consultations with native bands across the country.

But if Fontaine distrusts Harper's Tories, he has good reason and it can be summed up in three words: the Kelowna Accord.

The landmark deal, ratified by the provinces and the territories and signed by then prime minister Paul Martin in November 2005, was a $5.1-billion prescription to begin to cure the terrible living conditions – including polluted water and dilapidated housing – that have contributed to a plague of substance abuse and suicides on native reserves.

Harper and the Tories saw the accord as just another Liberal boondoggle, and voted unanimously against it while in opposition.

When the Tories presented their first budget after taking power in January 2006, they said they were committed to meeting the targets of the accord.

However, the budget allocated just $150 million in 2006-07 to address those needs, a far cry from $800 million mandated in the accord.

But that should come as no surprise. The ultra-conservative Reform Party of Canada, forerunners of the current Tories, always were suspicious of how native chiefs and the native establishment handled money coming from Ottawa.

Harper's mentor, Prof. Tom Flanagan of the University of Calgary, was the party's expert on native affairs. In several books, he claimed native chiefs tolerated fraud on reserves and were milking Canadian taxpayers for millions. He also called for an end to special status for natives on the reserves, and urged their integration into mainstream Canadian society – the so-called melting pot approach favoured in the United States.

These were views held by no other Canadian political party at that time.

When it comes to land disputes, such as the long-running occupation at Caledonia in Ontario, Harper shares none of the caution espoused by previous Liberal governments. For the prime minister, it's all about law and order.

Harper – like Flanagan, who remains on of his top advisers on native affairs – believes the native establishment – not poverty or the public at large – is to blame for problems afflicting the reserves.

And that's why the prime minister has effectively cancelled the accord, a decision endorsed by conservatives including Flanagan, former Ontario premier Mike Harris, Reform founder Preston Manning and the C.D. Howe Institute.

Harper's attitude is as politically damaging as it is shocking – the prime minister does not seem to realize the vast sympathy the Canadian public has for native claims. He only sees people complaining about too much money going to natives who, they say, should be standing on their own two feet.

But it's not too late to salvage the political situation.

Harper has carefully polished his image as warrior with his stance on Canada's role in the war in Afghanistan. If he tackles the native problem properly, he might also be seen as a man of peace.

By embracing Kelowna and its badly needed reforms – a move that would be popular in Quebec and English Canada alike –he would be seen as a true champion of native Canadians, likely putting an end to their bellicose threats and occupations.

As well, such a huge reversal on the prime minister's part would take the native community away from its traditional Liberal stance.

Harper has already taken a few steps in the right direction.

The June 12 announcement of proposed legislation to settle land claims disputes is a good beginning. And in Jim Prentice, the Alberta MP who served as Indian Affairs and Northern Development critic while in opposition, he has an excellent minister who understands the process and will help speed it up.

As well, Harper has the wisely distanced himself from the more extreme views espoused by his adviser, Flanagan.

But the politically astute move would be to move just a bit to the left and implement the Kelowna Accord. He should do it now.

++++++++++

From The Ottawa Citizen ...

Turning guilt into billions of dollars - Aboriginals must move from dependence to living in the 21st century
Randall Denley - July 01, 2007

I hope Canadians were paying attention during the aboriginal peoples' Day of Action Friday, because it's really time we did something to normalize the situation of our indigenous people. By normalize, I don't mean writing huge cheques or offering lifetime welfare to people who are willing to live on remote reserves. By normalize, I mean helping native Canadians to live in the 21st century like the rest of us.

Native leaders are always eager to pull the twin levers of unsettled land claims and aboriginal poverty to keep the non-native population feeling guilty, sympathetic and willing to ship billions of dollars a year to natives on reserves.

Clearly, it works. This year, the federal government will spend $7.4 billion on services for the 428,000 people on reserves. When has so much money been spent on so few people for so little result?

It's hardly surprising that some reserves have Third World conditions. Why would anyone expect to be able to live a normal life on a reserve hundreds of kilometres from the nearest town? A non-native person living in the bush wouldn't fare any better. Actually, he'd be worse off, because government wouldn't feel an obligation to support him.

The popular wisdom is that the reserves' poverty and poor living conditions are our problem to solve, not that of aboriginal people themselves. How many more years are we going to keep these people in a state of child-like dependency? Or maybe a better question, how many years will they continue to live in that state before they decide to take some control of their lives?

Nothing compels native people to stay on reserves, although one could certainly fault government for offering handouts and tax-free status as incentives to stay in these pathetic conditions.

For people on reserves that are successful and self-sustaining, and there are many, the decision to keep living there is a reasonable one and entirely theirs to make. One does have to note that if the reserve is sustained by a casino, it's not exactly the traditional native lifestyle, but that's not our problem.

The issue of land claims is the most vexatious. Again, we are supposed to feel guilty because we haven't written cheques quickly enough. And yet, how credible are these claims? Take as an example the Algonquin claim to ownership of pretty much all of Eastern Ontario, including Parliament Hill. It rests on the idea that the ancestors of today's Algonquins once roamed through this territory, although there was no concept of land ownership in the European sense.

A lawyer representing the Algonquins says a key point in their favour is that some Algonquins in the 19th century charged people for the use of the Ottawa River. Must mean they own it, no? Sure, in the same way that Robin Hood must have owned Sherwood Forest.

The Eastern Ontario Algonquins know there isn't much good Crown land left in this part of the province. They will be perfectly happy to compromise and accept cash. And who are these Algonquins seeking fairness and justice? They are a group of about 5,500 people. Perhaps 10,000 will ultimately be identified. To qualify, one can have as little as one-eighth Algonquin blood.

Toronto lawyer Bob Potts, who represents the "Algonquins," says any money they receive will help to "maintain their Algonquin-ness." One might debate how much Algonquin-ness a person with one native ancestor three generations back has.

These land claims have a basis in law, but we're paying to settle land ownership claims for people who didn't own land. If the key concept is taking aboriginal land without compensation, we should remember that the home territory of various bands fluctuated, depending on the aggressive tendencies of other Indian groups. When will we have a commission to investigate the inequity of the Iroquois taking land that once belonged to the Hurons and compensate the distant descendants of those Huron people?

Native leaders like to talk about poverty and injustice, but what they really want is money. Assembly of First Nations Grand Chief Phil Fontaine says native people were shut out in each of the last two federal budgets. Some shutout. The federal government spends $10.2 billion a year on native people. What he means is there weren't any new handouts on top of the ones already being dispensed.

If we cut down to the reality that underlies the myth of native oppression, we'd find that aboriginal people have exactly the same rights and opportunities as every other Canadian. If they don't take advantage of it, that's their problem.

Congratulations to the approximately 550,000 native people who live off reserve, just like ordinary people. They've realized it's the 21st century, not the 18th. Maybe they can spread the word.

Contact Randall Denley at 613-596-3756 or by e-mail, rdenley@thecitizen.canwest.com

Four stories from Saturday's Globe and Mail provide different and yet interesting perspectives on the effects of the National Day of Action.

From the Globe and Mail ....

The marchers are frustrated, but they stay on peaceful path
MATT HARTLEY - From Saturday's Globe and Mail - June 30, 2007

KENORA — Perhaps it was fitting that among the flags leading the peaceful protest march through Kenora Friday were the yellow and white colours of Tibet.

They were carried by a group of Tibetan Buddhist monks visiting the Northwestern Ontario city from Drepung Gomang monastery in India. They joined native protesters on the long walk down Highway 17 from Tunnel Island into Kenora on the first nations National Day of Action.

Buddhists believe nothing is fixed or permanent, and that change is always possible – a sentiment shared by the natives and non-natives who turned out to fill a fittingly coloured yellow-and-white striped tent on the shores of Lake of the Woods.

Kenora is a city eager to forget a past marred by native protests, blockades and armed clashes with police. And Friday, native leaders and city officials walked side by side in a demonstration of mutual respect and solidarity in an effort to live up to the mantra of their maroon-robed guests. Mayor Len Compton marched alongside Grand Council Treaty No. 3 Ogichidaa (Chief) Arnold Gardner, who offered a peaceful message of co-operation to the community.

“It is the future that we walk, for . . . it is the theme of mutual coexistence we share with you today,” Mr. Gardner told the crowd of about 250 supporters.

Later, the leaders signed a symbolic treaty promising partnership, the rebuilding of relations and a mutual agreement to press other levels of government to resolve outstanding issues such as land claims and treaty issues.

“Failure . . . too often frustrates our ability to work co-operatively as friends and partners at the local level,” Mr. Compton said.

Mr. Gardner said his council represents 28 first nation bands spanning 88,000 square kilometres stretching from Thunder Bay to Manitoba and from Red Lake down to Buffalo Point near the U.S. border. The grand council has 80 unsettled claims before various levels of government, nearly 10 per cent of the Canadian total, according to Mr. Gardner.

There were no bitter disputes or heated confrontations near the demonstration, which occurred close to the city's harbour. The only angry words and vented frustrations were directed at faraway politicians on Parliament Hill and at Ontario's Queen's Park.

Just a block away on Main Street, shopkeepers decked their storefronts in Canada Day regalia, teenagers freshly escaped from school cruised the sidewalks on skateboards, young couples sipped coffee in cafés and no one seemed bothered by the protest.

In fact, when demonstrators from the Dalles First Nation band marched into town carrying placards and honking from slow-moving pickup trucks on their way to the local MP's office, most people waved and honked backed.

For Tania Cameron, a member of the band and an NDP candidate for the next federal election, the peaceful nature of the protest enabled everyone to bring their children. Three of Ms. Cameron's own children participated.

“I'm so proud of our people,” she said. “We're giving such a statement to the area.”

As the afternoon grew colder and the crowd down by the water thinned out, Mr. Gardner sat at the back of the big yellow-and-white tent, watching as people around him chatted and a group of children chased each other around a nearby jungle gym. Speaking softly, he reflected on the day:

“Everything was perfect today. There is a right way to deal with things, and the way is to do it together.”

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From the Globe and Mail ...

‘I'm sick and tired of the poverty, the sadness'
CAROLINE ALPHONSO - From Saturday's Globe and Mail - June 30, 2007

DESERONTO, ONT. — Ask Shawn Brant why he's out here dressed in combat fatigues, blocking highways and rail traffic, and he quickly rhymes off a host of reasons why Canadians should pay urgent attention to native needs.

But ask him what first motivated him to take on such a role, and the Ontario Mohawk falls silent.

It was 1989, and Mr. Brant's wife was late into her pregnancy with twin girls. While she was drawing water from the well because they had no running water, she had an accident. The girls died shortly after birth.

“I have three children. I should have had five,” the 43-year-old said Friday, his voice trailing off.

It was in those moments that the issue of aboriginal poverty struck him hardest, motivating him to become the figure he is today: a man not afraid to take military-style action to voice native concerns.

“I thought it was unfair that it happened at all,” he said of the death of his twins. “It certainly brought up issues like poverty and polluted water [on native reserves].”

Mr. Brant has said he has a number of heroes, including Jesus, Malcolm X and Geronimo.

“I grew up in a house with no running water and electricity,” he told the CBC. “On the wall was a poster, no pictures. Just a poster of Geronimo with a rifle in front of him, that famous picture – it says: ‘I'd rather be red than dead' – I grew up looking at that. If I could be seen to be a little bit like that, I'd be pleased – but that's hard.

“I've been told a lot about principles and philosophy. I guess I generally always took to learn when I heard about Gandhi. I never really gave much consideration because we are not people that just sit on our hands, but I actually found out that it's not what it was about. Malcolm X is a huge hero of mine. And it's kind of embarrassing to say, but I also looked as one of my heroes as Jesus. Not in a religious sense at all, but as a man, as a true great revolutionary who ran around. And they were armed – dozens or so of them – and they knocked the hell out of people, kicked tables over, booted people out and lived a life of righteousness and truth and honour, and that kind of struck me as well.”

That very much, as well, is one of my heroes, but again, not in a religious sense.”

Mr. Brant, a slight, tall man with hair just below his shoulders, has had his share of clashes, one of them resulting in him taking up temporary residence in a school bus. He has been known to trash the offices of politicians, including Jim Flaherty's Whitby constituency office in 2001, when Mr. Flaherty was Ontario's finance minister.

Over the past two days, as part of the National Day of Action, the ringleader managed to shut down Canada's busiest highway for 11 hours, as well as place blockades on a section of a secondary highway and a stretch of nearby railway track.

This comes despite Phil Fontaine, the national chief of the Assembly of First Nations, calling for no disruptions – and Mr. Brant's own chief distancing himself from blockade-type action.

But Mr. Brant has his own tight-knit band of supporters within the Bay of Quinte Mohawks, many of them teenagers who set up camp overnight blocking the secondary highway. He gathers them around several times to explain the situation.

, slowly puffing on his cigarette. They listen attentively to his requests.

“We just didn't see any other way ... in dealing with these issues,” said Mr. Brant, who, moments before, had brokered a deal with the Ontario Provincial Police to reopen Highway 401.

“… nothing has ever made us a priority within the government,” he said. “I'm absolutely sick and tired of having our kids committing suicide, or drinking polluted water. I'm sick and tired of the overcrowding, the poverty, the sadness.”

The protest prompted the OPP to issue an arrest warrant for Mr. Brant on charges of mischief.

This is not unfamiliar territory for Mr. Brant. He is currently out on bail on mischief charges and for disobeying a court order in connection with the 30-hour blockade of the CN rail line also here in Deseronto in April.

“Getting arrested is a reality. I've been sitting in a quarry for 94 days and if I sat in the quarry for that long, then I can certainly sit in jail for that long,” he said.

Indeed, a school bus has been his temporary quarters as his group protested against a developer's plan to build condominiums using material from a quarry on land they claim is theirs.

Mr. Brant may speak a tough line, but he's also not afraid to pull the plug on his protests when he senses a violent clash.

“When we began, I promised [my group] I'd bring them all home. That may not necessarily be the same with me,” he said, referring to the arrest warrant.

Mr. Brant describes his personality as “uncompromising.”

But authorities take heed: He says he's a lot softer today than he was in the years after the death of his twin girls. “I was a nutbar back then,” he said.

With a report from Canadian Press

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From the Globe and Mail ...

How police stared down natives
MICHAEL VALPY - From Saturday's Globe and Mail - June 30, 2007

The Ontario Provincial Police decided several days ago it would best serve public safety by not using force to prevent Mohawk protesters from disrupting Canada's busiest transportation corridor during the National Day of Action.

The force was mindful of the scarred history in Southern Ontario and elsewhere of police-aboriginal friction. It was aware that one mistake by anyone involved in Friday's blockades could have led to catastrophe.

It consulted behavioural scientists across the country who specialize in advising police on dealing with social conflicts.

In the end, the police themselves closed Highway 401, the Toronto-Montreal freeway, while OPP Commissioner Julian Fantino negotiated with activists from the Tyendinaga reserve near Kingston on when it would be reopened.

It allowed the Mohawks to block the CN Rail line, resulting in the cancellation of Toronto-Ottawa-Montreal passenger traffic and thwarting what CN said was the delivery of $100-million worth of cargo. CN also accused the OPP of refusing to enforce an Ontario Superior Court injunction to clear its tracks of illegal occupants.

Tens of thousands of Canadians on the move for their national holiday were inconvenienced.

But no one got hurt. No guns were fired. No violent clash at Tyendinaga triggered confrontations between aboriginals and authorities elsewhere – indeed, the National Day of Action was peaceful across the country.

There was no repeat of Oka or Ipperwash. And nothing soiled the skirts of an Ontario government four months before an election and under enormous pressure to deal differently with native protesters than previous governments.

In the end, the OPP managed to survive a day of political policing – what one academic specialist in the psychology of terrorism and social conflict called an impossible situation, where whatever the force did would be labelled wrong in trying to deal with aboriginal grievances that are a political problem, not a police problem.

Commissioner Fantino described it as meat-in-the-sandwich policing, with the OPP being the meat between governments and aboriginal activists.

Benedikt Fischer, a sociologist at the University of Victoria who specializes in policing issues, said the highway and rail blockades could have turned into a nightmare if either the police or Mohawks had made a single mistake.

“Just imagine Ipperwash repeated,” he said, referring to the 1995 land-claim dispute at Ontario's Ipperwash Provincial Park where an OPP tactical squad opened fire on Kettle and Stony Point First Nation protesters, killing one and injuring two.

With the memory of Ipperwash still fresh, Professor Fischer said, it was an easy prediction that the Ontario government and its agencies would be “pacifying and passive” during Friday's National Day of Action.

Mike Webster, a former RCMP officer and police psychologist in British Columbia consulted by the OPP, said the force had largely decided on a negotiations route by the time it called him several days ago to ask for advice on “smoothing out a few bumps in the road.”

The template for police negotiations is generic, Dr. Webster said, but there are unique dynamics in dealing with aboriginals.

“This is Canada's dirty little secret, how aboriginal people have been treated. I've told police before, ‘The best thing you can do is cross the line and stand over there with them.'”

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From the Globe and Mail ...

Police inaction over native blockade irks CN Rail
JOANNA SMITH - Globe and Mail Update - June 30, 2007

CN Rail expressed frustration with police for refusing to stop an illegal blockade in Eastern Ontario that disrupted the key train system that transports $100-million worth of goods along the crucial Montreal-Toronto corridor Friday.

For the third time in 15 months, a blockade forced CN Rail to leave 25 trains sitting idle, while transport trucks were slowed on the highway and nearly 5,000 Via Rail passengers had to change their long-weekend travel plans.

On a National Day of Action characterized by first nations members and their supporters demonstrating peacefully across the country, a rogue group of 70 fatigue-wearing Mohawk warriors ignored pleas to minimize disruption.

CN Rail spokesman Mark Hallman would not discuss revenues the company might have lost when it cancelled its freight trains for the day, but said the company operates 25 trains carrying about $100-million worth of commodities between Montreal and Toronto every day.

“This is frustrating,” said Mr. Hallman, whose company obtained a court injunction in April to stop a 30-hour blockade. The company was upset when the Ontario Provincial Police refused to enforce the order at the time.

Via Rail does not yet know how many refunds it will have to pay out after cancelling all 24 trains scheduled to run between Toronto, Ottawa and Montreal Friday, as many passengers opted to exchange their tickets, spokeswoman Catherine Kaloutski said.

By last night, the protesters behind the blockade had toned down their rhetoric of economic upheaval and were measuring their success in terms of having generated discussion and debate.

“We'll take it till midnight, fulfill our mandate,” said a conciliatory Shawn Brant, the Mohawk from the Tyendinaga reserve near Deseronto, Ont., who led the action.

Mr. Brant referred to Highway 401 as his group's “bargaining chip,” but it was the OPP who first moved in and shut it down between Belleville and Napanee, Ont., to minimize a threat to public safety. The highway was open again by noon.

Elsewhere, the National Day of Action was decidedly peaceful.

In Ottawa, about a thousand people joined Assembly of First Nations National Chief Phil Fontaine in a march through the downtown core before settling in for speeches and music on Victoria Island near Parliament Hill.

“I truly believe in my heart Canadians want everyone to have a fair chance in life,” Chief Fontaine told the crowd.

He said he welcomed the Conservative government's recent announcement that it would speed up the land-claims process, but urged the Tories to reverse their opposition to the $5-billion Kelowna accord and support a declaration on the rights of indigenous peoples currently before the United Nations.

At a demonstration outside Queen's Park in Toronto, aboriginal protester Doreen Silversmith slammed the federal government's offer of $125-million to end the 15-month standoff with native protesters in Caledonia, Ont.

“The government can goddamn shove it up their asses,” she said to the cheers of about 400 natives and University of Toronto students.

Order prevailed at the site of the occupation in Caledonia, where about a dozen protesters began the day by praying for peace and calm before holding a potluck dinner and information session.

At noon in Montreal, dozens of Mohawks from the Kahnawake reserve at the heart of the 1990s Oka standoff blockaded the Mercier bridge in a peaceful protest that snarled traffic.

On Vancouver Island, police thwarted a small group's attempt to take over a house in an expensive new development in a Victoria suburb. Undeterred, the dozen or so protesters moved across the street and unfurled a banner protesting against urban sprawl.

At the boundary between New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, dozens of Mi'kmaq protesters and their supporters lined the shoulders of the Trans-Canada Highway to call attention to native issues.

In Kenora, Ont., the mayor and a native leader signed an accord pledging to work together to press the provincial and federal governments to resolve outstanding land claims and treaty issues.

The OPP said motorists were easily diverted around small groups of protesters who peacefully blockaded two rural roads in Ontario's cottage country.

From Timmins Daily Press ...

Far North response facility launches; New emergency services centre based out of Moose Factory
Scott Paradis - June 28, 2007

Firefighters, paramedics, police officers and other emergency service workers will all share one roof in this island First Nation community.

After three years of construction and more than 10-years of planning Moose Cree First Nation officially held the grand opening of its Far North Emergency Preparedness and Response (EPR) Centre of Excellence, located on Moose Factory Island.

Wednesday's opening makes Moose Factory the first and only community within Nishnawbe-Aski Nation territory to have its emergency service facility meet basic national building code standards.

Doug Cheechoo, Emergency Preparedness and Response co-ordinator, said the emergency services that the new building will house isn't just for Moose Factory.

"It's for the James Bay area," he said. "A lot of people have died in fires, getting lost and running into trouble out in the (James) bay."

Cheechoo said in order to operate an emergency service properly, whether it's a fire department or police detachment, the community needs to have the right tools.

Adequate facilities like the new Far North EPR building is one of those necessary tools, he said.

"It's important to provide that to the firefighters, ambulance and police," he said. "They need a modern facility where they can train."

The total cost of the project was just less than $6 million. About $5.1 million of that was associated with construction costs while about $900,000 was spent on non-construction costs.

Those non-construction costs included, drafting a business plan, consultations, and finance plans among other things.

"We had a number of project partners and investors that came aboard and joined the project," Cheechoo said.

Some of those investors and project partners include Northern Ontario Heritage Fund Corporation, Ministry of Northern Development and Mines, FedNor, Indian and Northern Affairs Canada and Mushkegowuk Employment Training Services.

"They all came forward and supported this project and we were able to achieve it," Cheechoo said.

"Of course Moose Cree (First Nation) was a major contributor - they invested about $1.4 million for this project. They really did their part."

The opening of the Far North EPR centre means that Moose Factory becomes the first community in Nishnawbe-Aski Nation (NAN) territory to have all its emergency services buildings meet basic building code standards.

NAN Grand Chief Stan Beardy spoke briefly during the building's official opening about the bittersweetness of such a fact.

"We don't have any fire halls across NAN, we don't have emergency measures across NAN," Beardy told The Daily Press after his speech. "This is the only one in all of NAN that meets the basic national building code."

Several communities have their own police detachment, volunteer fire department and search and rescue teams.

But the buildings those services work out of are "substandard" and wouldn't be accepted anywhere else in Canada, Beardy said.

Beardy hopes that the grand opening in Moose Factory is a sign of things to come. He said he would like to see his people push the government to get the same standards that other municipalities receive.

"We are part of Ontario," he said.

"We should have the same consideration as everyone else."