2010/04/01 - Jennifer Dalton, Research Fellow at York University
Some consider Aboriginal schools to be a form of racial segregation. Quite apart from the overly simplistic application of “race” and “segregation” to Aboriginal Peoples in this context, this criticism does not adequately consider the underlying premise of such schools. While they are labelled “Aboriginal-only,” their purpose is far from exclusionary. Rather, their overarching objective is to repair the historical decimation of Aboriginal cultures and address past assimilationist policies aimed at “killing the ‘Indian’ in the child” through the Indian Residential Schools system.
The assertions critics make are akin to the critical language espoused in the context of “special rights” for Aboriginal “minorities.” Such depictions represent paternalism at its worst. Aboriginal Peoples are markedly different from any other group in the country because they are the original occupants of Canada.
Further, arguing against Aboriginal schools under the guise of “equal treatment” constitutes little more than a superficial understanding of democratic liberalism, while disregarding the dire socio-economic conditions faced by so many Aboriginal Peoples across Canada. Equal treatment does not provide equitable outcomes for the most disadvantaged in society.
Research has shown that a sense of community attachment and cultural belonging is one foundation of identity, which in turn impacts socio-economic predictors. Education is also a crucial socio-economic indicator, and is one of the primary mediums through which the continuance of languages, cultures, and acceptable social practices are propagated. This sort of preservation, recognition, and development of the legacy of distinctiveness is one of the purposes of many Aboriginal studies programs at the post-secondary level.
In this regard, the additional effort and resources necessary to create and develop Aboriginal schools should be considered a worthwhile endeavour with the aim of reparation. Put another way, recognition of Aboriginal distinctiveness through these schools is an effective tool to promote respect and inclusivity.
Ideally, what is known as the “politics of difference” allows for a greater awareness and acceptance of cultural pluralism. When viewed alongside the objective of reconciliation for Aboriginal Peoples, greater appreciation of the cultural disharmonies that often exist in multination states such as Canada is fostered. There is currently a very real need to create a respectful, inclusive society that is accepting of difference and diversity, and Aboriginal schools arguably do just that.
Of course, along a similar vein to the “equal treatment” argument is the concern that the recognition of Aboriginal difference, including through “special” programs such as Aboriginal schools, can work against social unity. This is seemingly a more watered-down version of the “racial segregation” claim. However, where curricula are structured in such a way so as to build bridges between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal program components, then greater unity might be the result.
Of course, this is much easier said than done, and it should not indicate that Aboriginal schools are not without potential pitfalls. Regular and specific benchmarks to track progress, success, and workability of curricular and co-curricular programs would be effective in this regard. What those benchmarks should address would have to be determined cooperatively between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal representatives, with a broad base of consultative support from across all affected cohorts, including government members, affected Aboriginal community representatives, teachers, staff, parents, students, and so on.
Ultimately, the solution must not be to scrap the idea altogether. Instead, the challenge is to find pathways that work with demonstrable results.
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